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This post discusses the Border Gateway Protocol (BGP) unnumbered and describes the configuration procedures for the Mellanox Spectrum installed with Cumulus Linux OS.

References

Unnumbered L3 interfaces are interfaces without unique IP addresses. In BGP, you configure unnumbered interfaces using Extended Next Hop Encoding (ENHE), which is defined by ALDO Mens Lovewia Chelsea Boot Taupe ZqYO9BN
. BGP unnumbered interfaces provide a means of advertising an IPv4 route with an IPv6 next-hop. Prior to RFC 5549, an IPv4 route could be advertised only with an IPv4 next-hop.

Extended Next Hop Encoding

BGP unnumbered interfaces are particularly useful in deployments where IPv4 prefixes are advertised through BGP over a section without any IPv4 address configuration on links. As a result, the routing entries are also IPv4 for destination lookup and have IPv6 next-hops for forwarding purposes.

Once enabled and active, BGP makes use of the available IPv6 next-hops for advertising any IPv4 prefixes. BGP learns the prefixes, calculates the routes, and installs them in IPv4 AFI-to-IPv6 AFI format. However, ENHE in a Mellanox switch (running Cumulus Linux) does not install routes into the kernel in IPv4 prefix-to-IPv6 next-hop format. For link-local peering enabled by dynamically learning the other end's link-local address using IPv6 neighbor discovery router advertisements, an IPv6 next-hop is converted into an IPv4 link-local address and a static neighbor entry is installed for this IPv4 link-local address with the MAC address derived from the link-local address of the other end.

1. Enable the IPv6 neighbor discovery.

# net add interface swp1 ipv6 nd ra-interval 5

# net del interface swp1 ipv6 nd suppress-ra

2. Create a loopback interface (router ID).

# net add loopback lo ip address 1.1.1.1/32

3. Create a loopback interface for adding a network, which can be advertised over the BGP connection.

4. Configure BGP with an Autonomous System (AS) number of 65000.

# net add bgp router-id 1.1.1.1

5. Configure BGP unnumbered with “group name as Fabric”.

# net add bgp bestpath compare-routerid

# net add bgp neighbor fabric peer-group

# net add bgp neighbor fabric remote-as external

The first mention of a regular circle at 2 Great Coram Street is to be found in the February 1869 issues of Human Nature and of The Spiritual Magazine of that time, the latter linking the seances at Great Coram Street directly to the formation of the Spiritual Institute, with which Cogman and James Burns were closely involved:

for May of 1869 notes that "...regular weekly seances were opened in Great Coram Street by an earnest lady, where opportunities were afforded to witness various kinds of manifestations." It's not clear whether that earnest lady is Mrs. Spear, or Mrs. Berry, or another of the Spiritualist female leaders -- but it is clear that the Great Coram Street seances are not, as Herne's text might tend to suggest, a commercial enterprise under the control of Frank Herne, which did not allow him to clear his expenses.

Herne is named as one of the mediums -- at the time, Herne is a "trance medium," and there are several mediums sitting -- at Great Coram Street as of June 1869, in the October 1869 issue of :

That period of that snippet -- June of 1869 -- is consistent, too, with reminiscences of the Spiritualist pioneer Dr. Dixon, writing about Herne's sittings with C. W. Pearce and Joseph Maurice of the Dialectical Society, in the Medium and Daybreak for July 29, 1870 -- after the Coram Street seances had been wound up. The chief startling manifestation produced by Herne, at this time, was the diminution and elongation of parts of Herne's body, produced in a manner knowledgeable sitters compared to the work of D. D. Home.

The Coram Street seances appear to cease in August of 1869, and it is about a year -- August of 1870 -- until we see Herne in the Spiritualist record, sitting for (failed) seances at the Spiritual Institution in Southampton Row.

Herne had begun sitting with Catherine Berry, as far as her often-undated records will permit us to determine, in July of 1870, alone and with other mediums, including Mrs. Guppy, Guppy's protege Miss Leyland, Mrs. Mary Marshall (the Younger, I believe), Mrs. Ellis, and the American musical medium Jesse Shepard . Hearne's sittings with Berry appear to continue until April of 1871, shortly after Herne and Williams go into partnership at Lamb's Conduit Street. During the same period, Herne is frequently a sitter at Mrs. Guppy's home circle, where he "assists the power" and witnesses the manifestations produced in the presence of Mrs. Guppy with the great and good, including Serjeant Cox.

At this time -- early April of 1871 -- Herne is a trance medium, a direct voice medium, and a medium for physical manifestations, including the usual range of telekinetic effects, levitation, and apportation. He has not yet had any direct experience of sitting in a locked physical cabinet, but will do so in October of 1871, during work with Catherine Berry (see, for example, her , p. 85); he (and Williams, it should be said, locked in together) is able to produce partial spirit-forms at the margin of the cabinet.

In May of 1871, Herne is apported to Mrs. Guppy's house, as I've mentioned already . This is followed in June of 1871 by Mrs. Guppy's apportation to Lamb's Conduit Street.

In September of 1871, Herne and Williams travel north, to Newcastle, where they leave a strong impression on a newly-converted Spiritualist, Annie Fairlamb (Mellon Gleave), who noted in for May 28 of 1904 that her exposure to Herne and Williams' physical manifestations while in Newcastle was "my initiation into our movement."

At roughly the same time, the German expatriate musician Christian Reimers, having sat without impact with Mary Marshall, has his skepticism "smashed to pieces" by his experiences in Lamb's Conduit Street, becoming a staunch promoter and defender of Herne and Williams.

In January of 1872 (if not earlier) Herne meets Florence Cook, possibly at a seance in Cornwallis Road, Upper Holloway, where -- after John and Katie King communicate in direct voice through Herne, while he is physically restrained by Florence Cook and a Miss Kate Stokes -- the spirits make use of a sewing machine in the seance room, hemming a length of calico. Florence Cook has been a publicly-noted medium since mid-1871, and by April of 1872, she is sitting with Herne, the two in a locked cabinet, during which seances spirit arms, hands and heads are seen at the cabinet's aperture.

I'd like to be able to argue that Herne developed Florence Cook as a materializing medium, and I suppose there's a case to be made for that view, but it's important to note that Florence was controlled by Katie Cook as early as July of 1871: well after Katie controlled both Herne and Williams, but before the Spiritualist record shows either Herne or Williams working with Cook.

1872 is a brilliant year for Herne's mediumship. He and Williams are sitting gratis, weekly, at the Spiritual Institution, keeping regular hours at Lamb's Conduit Street for promiscuous seances, and performing privately for various wealthy Spiritualists, including Catherine Berry, who continues her locked, barred cabinet seances with the mediums. Mrs. Edmiston and Emily Kislingbury launch their Saturday Evening Seances for Spiritualists at the Lamb's Conduit Street rooms in January of 1872, mixng food, drink and musical entertainment with dark seances, for avowed Spiritualists only.

In April of 1872, Herne and Williams' spirit controls transport the American medium Lottie Fowler from am omnibus traveling down Oxford Street, to the seance rooms in Lamb's Conduit Street; for reasons that are not clear (perhaps Lottie Fowler's lack of reputation, or her foreign-ness) there is more scrutiny applied to this event, in the Spiritualist periodicals, than to Herne's transportation to Mrs. Guppy's house, or Mrs. Guppy's transportation to Lamb's Conduit Street.

Longer descriptions of the seances at Lamb's Conduit street, as of April of 1872, do not feature spirit-forms, although spirit lights are much in evidence, and more than one seance reporter feels the need to refute the (unstated?) notion that phosphorus is in use there. William Stainton Moses does see "five hands and arms, together with a little child's foot" at a Lambs Conduit Street seance in July of 1872, but does not report it at the time.

Also in April, Herne begins working with Frederick Hudson, the photographer (who has been working with Mrs. Guppy for some time), and with a Mr. Dixon of Albany Road, as well as with several amateur photographers. Charles Williams is also involved in these activities, on occasion (see for example Henry E. Russell's article "An Afternoon with the Spirits at Kingston-on-Thames," in for October of 1872). The work done with Dixon is assisted, on at least one occasion, by "'M.A.,' a gentleman who recently communicated an account of extraordinary phenomena to the Medium and [the] Liverpool Mercury" -- that is, M. A. Oxon, the Rev. William Stainton Moses. Herne's spirit photography work is broadly endorsed, and by unexpected parties, including J. Enmore Jones (who changes his mind about Hudson in late April of 1872), Henry Bielfeld, and William Howitt, who wrote in the that he had visited Hudson with one of his daughters and

The spirit photography at Hudson's is sufficiently compelling that Herne and Williams announce, in the MD for 5-3-1872, that "they will be in attendance at Mr. Hudson's, as mediums for the spirit-photographs, on Mondays, Tuesday, Thursdays and Saturdays, from twelve till four o'clock. Sitters desiring their services must make special arrangements."

In May of 1872, J. Enmore Jones, who was unsettled by his discovery that "sham ghost pictures" could be produced on photographic plates by ordinary means, writes to the MD to say that he has done just that, and "I now state, as I stated in a note to Mr. Hudson, Spiritualists will no longer be satisfied with less than clear portraits of deceased relatives." Shortly thereafter, Hudson himself puts a notice in the MD that "In consequence of annoyance and reports, Mr. Hudson declines taking any more ghost or spirit-photographs unless under special conditions." By mid-June, the MD is uncertain about which position -- pro or con -- to take on Hudson, but the is not, pronouncing Hudson a fraud.

Herne was out of town, with Williams, working in and around Manchester in June of 1871. Williams returned to London before Herne, and in early July, while Herne is still out of London, Charles Williams writes to the MD (July 5 1872), to say that "having been advised by many that it was to my interest to dissolve partnership with Mr. Herne on account of his supposed proved complicity in a cheat, I have plainly, and as man to man, asked him whether such has been the case, and having received his denial, an willing to place credence in him." Williams goes on, in that letter, to complain about the mediums' treatment by W. H. Harrison in the pages of the Spiritualist: "He, believing that he has discovered incontrovertible marks of fraud implicating Mr. Herne, withdraws the shadow of his Aegis from us, and, more than than, throws most unnecessarily other insinuations at us in the columns of his paper, almost stating that, in consequence of these things, our genuine power to obtain manifestations has left us, and that we had lost the "voice." Williams denies this --- while admitting that "on former occasions we had temporarily lost the power and had been obliged to got to Mrs. Berry to recover it -- and winds up the letter by denying that he and Herne stole a crystal of some kind from Lizette Mackdougall Gregory.

The following week, Herne writes to the MD to defend his reputation:

The epistolary barrage is sufficient to bring W. H. Harrison himself to the pages of the MD, in its July 19, 1872 issue. Harrison is more angry than usual -- particularly at some of the details and insinuations in Williams' letter -- and is dead set on wrecking Herne's reputation. Harrison claims that he in effect directed Herne and Williams to write a letter to Hudson, breaking with him unless certain conditions were met, and to send the letter not only to Hudson by to the MD for publication. When they did not follow his instructions, Harrison felt the inference was obvious: "It is now clear that Mr. Herne, having helped Mr. Hudson in taking sham pictures, did not dare to send him a note of the above kind." Further, Harrison alleged -- more than alleged -- in his letter that Williams believed Herne was implicated in the Hudson scandal, and had told Harrison so.

We have only one known photograph of Frank Herne, and it happens to be a Hudson spirit-photograph, of Frank Herne and his "double," from Plate V of Georgina Houghton's (1882), which I included above.

When pressed, Herne suggested that the spirit in this photograph was not his spiritual body, but the spirit of his younger brother William, whom Herne said was dead. As far as I can tell, both of Herne's brothers -- William and John Thomas -- were alive and well in 1872. In fact, Herne places a notice in the January 3, 1873 issue of the MD, seeking "some eligible situation from which to make a start in life," for one of them.

The Hudson scandal has a very long tail ; it recurs for years. And the demand for spirit photography -- and for Frank Herne's participation in it -- does not abate, either. W. J. Champernowne conducts a significant batch of experiments in spirit photography at Kingston on Thames in August of 1872, with Herne and Williams as mediums, and declares that his results prove that genuine spirit photographs can be had, through Herne's mediumship. But C. P. B. Alsop has, I think, a plan to pluck Charles Williams -- and in so doing, pluck Frank Herne -- from the tarpit that spirit photography has become, by the fall of 1872, and he implements that plan in a letter published in the MD for August 9, 1872:

William Stainton Moses and Stanhope Speer had been sitting with Herne and Williams for a series of seances at Lamb's Conduit Street since May of 1872, and WSM, writing as plain "M. A.," records similar experiences at Lambs Conduit Street in August of 1872.
Stage a marvel to eclipse a marvel, particularly to eclipse a suspect marvel. Form materialization trumps spirit photography. "Spirits materialized to the physical sight," as one provincial Spiritualist referred to the manifestations, are -- empirically -- superior as evidence, when counterposed with an image seen only on a glass-plate negative.

(We are close to the source, in August of 1872, of target="_new">the explosion in English Spiritualist form materializations . Jennie Ferris Holmes is in London, with Nelson Holmes, and while the MD is recording the first full-form manifestations in Lamb's Conduit Street, Jennie Holmes is conducting similar seances elsewhere in London, while her (carefully elided) biography is running, serially, in the MD ).

Dr. John Dixon, Thomas Shorter, Amy Burns and others testify, in August, to the veracity of the form manifestations being produced at Lamb's Conduit Street -- with more than a few echoing C. P. B. Alsop's observation that the forms materialized outside the cabinet, while Herne and Williams are bound, look exactly like the spirits in Hudson's spirit photographs. By the end of the month, the chicken-hearted Burns remarks that "Messrs. Herne and Williams are obtaining manifestations of a higher order than have yet been obtained in England." Herne and Williams respond to the rising demand in an entirely pragmatic way: by raising their prices, restricting the total number of sitters per seance, and in particular by reducing the number of strangers -- that is, people likely to break conditions -- at each sitting.

(The ratio of strangers to known Spiritualists in promiscuous seances is a good index of the risks the mediums intended to take. Planful exposers traveled to promiscuous seances in packs of three or more, usually).
In October of 1872, Herne travels with Williams to the Netherlands, where the two mediums sit for the various Dutch societies; their performances are chronicled by A. J. Riko, the prominent Dutch Spiritualist, in the November 1, 1872 issue of the MD. Notably, no full-form manifestations are produced in any of those seances. The two return to London in mid-November and re-open their rooms at Lamb's Conduit Street, before traveling to Wales for public seances that, once again, do not include form manifestations.
In early December, James Burns captures wonderfully, for our purposes, the state of phenomenal play in London, when he writes in the December 6, 1872 issue of the MD that: "We hear numerous gratifying reports of the spirit-faces seen at Miss Cook's seances. A lady and gentleman from Manchester had their names announced by the spirit as they knocked at the door, and their visit was quite unexpected. This shows that there is an intelligent agent at work. Miss Cook's seances are, we understand, strictly private, and take place only two evenings in the week, as the power is not sufficiently strong to permit of more frequent manifestations. To those who may be anxious to see spirit-faces, we may observe, that any disappointment such may experience in not being able to sit with Miss Cook, can be successfully compensated for by attending the seances of Messrs. Herne and Williams and Mrs. Holmes, where the faces are equally convincing, and other good manifestations occur as well.

(To understand just how involved these mediums and their promoters were with one another, at this time -- how they were literally in and out of one another's houses -- I encourage you to read "Materialized Spirit-Form Seances" in the December 13, 1872 issue of the MD.)

After trips to Yorkshire and the South of England in December of 1872 and January of 1873, Herne starts 1873 in Lamb's Conduit Street with Williams, contending with the effects of the massive demand for sittings for spirit faces and forms. Burns remarks in the MD at the end of January (1-24-1873) that "The public mediums in London are so crowded with visitors at present, that, though made heartily welcome everywhere, I seldom muster presumption enough to occupy space which might be far more usefully appropriated by an investigator. For this reason no special reports have of late been given as to what takes place in the rooms of Mr. and Mrs. Holmes; and Messrs. Herne and Williams have found it utterly impracticable to restrain their audiences within the limits of proper conditions, so that visitors have had to complain of the disadvantages incurred by the presence of such crowds at the seances."

At the end of January, perhaps exhausted by the crowds, Herne and Williams head north, to Newcastle.

(The US medium who will become known as Madame Louise Firman has arrived in London, at the end of January, and opened her rooms at 33 Percy Street, Bedford Square, where she conducts seances with her family, including her young son Alfred.)

In Newcastle, the demand for sittings for form manifestations is no less pressing; tickets to the pair's Newcastle events "notwithstanding the high charges of admission, were 'swallowed' up in a very short space of time." In Newcastle, for the first time I can locate in the record, Herne and Williams produce spirit-faces in a promiscuous public seance not held in Lamb's Conduit Street. In the Old Freemason's Hall in Newgate Street "at which there were present from twenty to twenty-two people, including three ladies....not all believers....

Herne's private seances in London are more daring, particularly when Herne is with Catherine Berry, who is found of locking Herne with sitters in the cabinet, and expecting to see spirit forms at the cabinet apertures -- which she does. And the market for form manifestations is continuing to heat, in London, generally -- Burns remarks mid-February of 1873 that:
In late February of 1873, Catherine Berry announces that Herne, alone, will being a series of seances at the Spiritual Institution beginning March 1. Berry and Herne bill him as "medium for physical phenomena and spirit-forms." This is the end of Herne and Williams' partnership, which is formalized with a notice in the same issue of the MD (2-28-1873) by Charles -- now C. E., to distinguish himself from the rising curative mesmerist Charles -- Williams:
In returning to Berry, Herne has returned to a place of safety, and of largesse. Restrained in a cabinet at the Spiritual Institution, under the command of Catherine Berry, Frank Herne produced most of the effects that had previously been seen only when he sat with Williams, including spirit lights, spirit arms at the cabinet aperture, and the voices of John King, Katey King, and Peter. Across town, at Lamb's Conduit Street, on the same evening, Charles Williams also demonstrated that the manifestations seen in his presence were no less marvelous or varied for the absence of his former partner.

But the two are at odds, and Catherine Berry writes to the MD in early April of 1873 (4-4-1873) to say that she has never been entirely satisfied with manifestations of spirit faces and forms, that she is now convinced that some mediums' manifestations are not genuine, and that new test conditions are required:

The undertone of be-guided-by-me is unmistakeable, and, as with many of Berry's letters, James Burns felt the need to expand upon this one, immediately after its conclusion:
Despite this rant, Burns continues to offer Berry and Herne the use of the seance rooms at the Spiritual Institution, and Herne continues to sit in public circles there, superintended by Mrs. Berry, producing spirit voices and classic dark circle manifestations, but producing spirit forms, partial or whole. His promoters rallied to him, and his solo career carried forward.
Did Berry catch Herne cheating, and extract from him the confessions that he subsequently retailed? Or was she his confederate, in an attempt to undermine Williams' mediumship? I can't figure it out, but I incline to the former explanation.

Herne and Williams continue to run up against one another. More than one correspondent is curious to understand how it is that the same spirit controls -- John King, Katey King and Peter -- can be present at both men's circles, sometimes at the same time. Herne puts some distance between Williams and himself in July of 1873, returning to the places -- and the people -- he and Williams dazzled in Wales, the previous year. There, in late July, while Herne is restrained, the control Katey King (the younger) materializes in partial light next to Herne. Later, at Land's End, Herne is controlled by a female spirit who speaks Cornish, and he exhibits automatism under control.

Herne is back in London at the end of August of 1873, and recommences his public seances at the Spiritual Institution, under Catherine Berry's stewardship. In September he gives seances in Nottingham to a Spiritualist society that had form manifestations with the Holmeses, but which is at that time aware that the Holmes' mediumship is in question, and "many of the friends here have been, for some time, anxious to have similar phenomena repeated under conditions which would render collusion and trickery impossible." Herne obliges. In November, he sits in Brighton and Eastbourne for a period. Otherwise, he is giving regular seances at the Spiritual Institution for the balance of 1873. His seances are classical pre-form physical manifestations seances, with much direct voice, and occasional apports.

Herne remains out of London in early 1874, and may have been ill; he places a notice in the March 13, 1874 issue of the MD reading "Mr. Herne begs to inform his friends that he has returned to London for a short time. -- All communicates to be addressed to Herne's Oak, Rockmead Road, South Hackney. -- His health will not permit him to accept evening engagements; he will be glad to give day seances or receive his friends at the above address." He has been in, and is intended to return to, Brighton, where he is performing at public promiscuous seances, at 5s. a head. Robert Cooper and other prominent Spiritualists attend these, and the Brighton papers cover the seances, favorably.

In May of 1874, Herne makes a claim, while in Brighton, that -- it it is true -- is staggering. In its entirety, the MD's coverage of that claim reads as follows:

(The idea that Frank Herne is father of vril is lovely, but unlikely, I think. Still, a wonderful article on Spiritualist-claims-on-Bulwer-Lytton awaits its author....)
Herne returns to London from Brighton at the end of May, to find himself entangled in a scandal not of his own making. The medium Miss Showers is suspected of dissembling, in the production of the materialized form of her spirit control Florence, and Serjeant Cox, after discussing at length the difference between "incarnation" (the spirit control in command of the medium's body -- what was once termed obsession) and "materialization" (which Cox defines as the spirit control assembling loose matter to create a form for itself) remarks (MD 5-29-1874) that:
Herne returns to the Spiritual Institution in June 1874 for public seances, but is also holding private sittings at his house, Herne's Oak Villa, in South Hackney, as is (I think) his younger brother John Thomas, who has been traveling with Frank for some time. The advertisements in the for June of 1874 reference both "Mr. Herne" (our Francis) and "Mr. T. Herne, medium" who is, I think, Frank's younger brother John Thomas. In fact, it appears that Frank has moved his entire family from Devonport to South Hackney, where they are ensconced at Herne's Oak Villa:
At this time, Charles Williams, Lottie Fowler, Mrs. Olive, Mrs. Woodforde, Mrs. Bassett, as well as the American mediums Annie Eva Fay, Harry Bastian and Malcolm Taylor, are all operating as professional mediums in London. Herne continues to stick close to the Spiritual Institution, Burns and (one assumes) Catherine Berry. In September he returns to South Wales, returning to London and the Spiritual Institution in October; there, in December, he is the medium in residence for Burns' Institution Week, giving "light and materialization" seances in aid of funding Burns' work. The seance was successful, as far as physical manifestations and spirit voices were concerned, but no materializations occurred as (according to an American control of Herne's named "Mr. Nunn") conditions had been broken. At the end of the month, however, Herne succeeds; his control Peter materializes at the cabinet aperture, and remains visible for close inspection.
1875 is a quiet year for Herne; he continues to work at the Spiritual Institution, adding a weekly developing circle to his appearances there, and begins holding regularly-scheduled seances for Spiritualists (only) -- Friday evenings at 7 PM -- at Herne's Oak Villa in Hackney. He makes himself available for a variety of tests, including matter-through-matter ring experiments with E. W. Wallis and spirit-photography sessions with a Mr. Parkes, and is even rumored to have been transported off the street to the seance rooms of Mrs. Main. Periodically, Herne sits with F. W. Monck, and visits his usual circles in Brighton. In all respects, before December of 1875, Herne appears to be settling in, on his way to becoming an established prosperous fixture of the English Spiritualist landscape. His seances, insofar as reporters cover the details, are typically run-of-the-mill dark manifestation seances: direct voice, telekinesis, and spirit-touches.

Until mid-year, anyway. Beginning in May of 1875, Herne's seances resume their focus on form materializations, and begin producing full-form manifestations of John King and Katie King (the elder), as well as Cissy, who is a young black female control who had begun appearing at Herne's seances only recently, having been a feature of Miss Catherine Wood's seances for some time.

These manifestations become more common as the year wears on -- indeed so common that accounts of Herne's manifestation seances begin to filter into the secular newspapers, in the provinces at least, via their London correspondents, who appear to be attending Herne's weekly (Monday, Wednesday and Thursday) seances at the Spiritual Institution in relatively large numbers.
In June, Herne begins to work with one of the Pettys, a family of mediums very much (and briefly) in vogue at the time. He takes one of the Petty children into the cabinet with him at his regular Monday Spiritual Institution seance, and the full form of Chico -- one of Petty's controls -- appears at the entrance to the cabinet. After Chico, another figure (name unknown or unrecorded) appears in the same location, followed by the form of Peter, one of Herne's controls. Among the sitters at this seance was the over-educated academic and amateur philosopher St. George Stock (1850-1921), target="_new">who deserves a much closer look generally . Stock will become a Spiritualist later in the decade, but at this point is an aggressively skeptical inquirer. Stock was apparently badly behaved during the seance, turning on the gaslight, accusing the medium of being outside control, and claiming that he saw no form other than that of Herne during the seance. Stock apologies for his bad behavior -- which he acknowledges without reservation -- in the June 25, 1875 issue, recalling Herne's bad behavior at the time of his separation from Williams ("It is a matter of history that Herne, after his split from Williams, deliberately exposed his own knavery, giving mock seances, in which he dressed up in masks to play ghost, and exhibited the performance of tying and untying himself before Spiritualists of position in London, who are ready to vouch for the truth of this statement" -- before remarking that "[e]xposure is in the nature of rebellion, and, to justify itself, must be successful." Stock's was not, on this occasion.

In September of 1875, Herne lets it be known that he intends to travel, to New Zealand, for an extended trip, which apparently comes to naught.

In its December 17 issue, the MD notes, briefly that "Mr. Herne, of London, will give his first of a series of seances at the Spiritual Centre [the facilities of the Liverpool Psychological Society], 33 Russell Street, Liverpool, on Saturday 18th December at 8 o'clock. Admission, 20s. For six, 10s. for three and 4s.for one sitting."

In its December 31, 1875 issue, Burns included a short paragraph on these seances:

Burns does not say how he knows this; it's safe to assume he's had reports, by letter, from Liverpool. In fact, the MD doesn't ever provide a detailed description of what transpired in the Herne Liverpool seances; instead, Burns walks past the event, and whether or not Herne was detected in fraud, to focus on the physical "outrage" perpetrated against Herne: the physical harm inflicted on him by the disruptive element at the seance.
Harrison, writing in the , is more reportorial.
Without quite saying so, Harrison throws his weighty opinion onto the side of the scale marked , noting that "We have published notion about Mr. Herne for many years [MD: since Herne's allegations against Williams in 1873] although he undoubtedly possesses strong medial powers."

Harrison's account of the Brutal Outrage in Liverpool (capitalization quickly became de rigeur) was picked up by a half-dozen provincial papers as Yet Another Example of Fraudulent Spiritualism.

Herne returns from Liverpool in January of 1876, to the warmth of the Spiritual Institute. Whatever physical harm he sustained in the Outrage in Liverpool, it was insufficient to prevent "Mr. Herne and party" from being present "on the evening of New Year's Day" at the Spiritual Institution's New Year's soiree. His materialization seances at the Institute continue, and, in late January of 1876, Herne is the first London medium to channel Samuel Guppy, who died at Cork, Ireland on January the 18th. Bastian and Taylor materialized Guppy a day or so later at their materialization seance, where the spirit was recognized: by Herne, among the sitters. Burns -- who was apparently also present -- noted that the spirit of Guppy "was a facsimile of the original spirit-photograph taken by Mr. Hudson," a remark so knotty, when you think about it, that it can hardly be picked apart.

1876 is a quiet year for Herne, despite the fact that Catherine Berry's is published. But it is also a fateful one. In October of 1876, Frank Herne, and the recently-widowed London medium Caroline Bassett (Caroline Elizabeth Kyle 1824-1891) both sit for a series of seances with the influential and well-funded Dalston Association of Inquirers into Spiritualism. Bassett's husband and principal promoter, the English Spiritualist William Edwin Bassett (1830-1876), died in June 1876 (their child William having died in 1873), and Caroline Bassett -- who has worked with Florence Cook, Mrs. Guppy, and many other mediums in Herne's immediate circle -- is making her way in the world as a fee-taking medium, having been, while her husband was alive, "non-professional."

In April of 1878, Francis Gideon Herne and Caroline Kyle Bassett marry, inaugurating the second phases of one another's careers in English Spiritualism.

I'll sketch out the second phase of Herne's mediumship, conducted in tandem with his wife and partner, in my next post .
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Apr
28
In the UK, at least, every nineteenth century Spiritualist medium is a .

Along with the medium comes her developers (often, mediums themselves), her sponsor (who introduces her into public Spiritualism), her siblings, peers and coadjutors (who are developed with her, or who operate with her) and her promoters (who wave the flags and bang the drums, and do, or don't, stick with the medium through the ups and downs of the medium's career).

I've reached the point in my potting of the Great Materializers when I can no longer avoid the Two at the Top: Francis Gideon Herne and Charles Edward Williams. And with these two, come their two crowds, about which I need to say something, before tacking the Two themselves.

In miniature: Catherine Berry is significantly responsible for developing Frank Herne, and Joseph Adcock and Christopher Pierpont Brook Alsop are largely responsible for developing Charles Williams.

About Catherine Berry -- specifically, the lack of any organized sense of the trajectory of her life -- Btrada Womens Flip Flops Sandals Summer Beach Flats AntiSlip Clip Toe Slides White saEhHYK5p
. The coming-together of Herne and Williams represented, for her, the end of a period in her life, as a public Spiritualist and a widely-known developing medium whose particular gift was to amplify (and control) the power of young, usually male, mediums. After the rooms in Lamb's Conduit Street were opened in March of 1871, Catherine Berry wrote from her suite in the Hyde Park Hotel to James Burns at the , saying:

So clearly was this an unhappy-goodbye letter than Burns felt the need to preface the letter, saying:
Catherine Berry remains present, in Spiritualist circles, for another half-decade, contributing money, and some of her time. She also publishes her still-referenced encomium to Frank Herne, , in 1876 (after having given a lecture on a similar topic, forming the first part of the 1876 text, in 1872). In the first half of the 1880s, she may have practiced, under the name Kate Berry, as a healing medium, but that is speculation at this point. Other than her introduction of the cabinet into English Spiritualism -- a priority that she claimed, and one that I cannot dispute -- her development of Frank Herne is truly her lasting contribution to the movement.
About Christoper Pierpont (or Pierpoint) Brooks Alsop, the man who developed Herne's partner, Charles Edward Loo Williams, we know a bit more, but not quite enough.

Herne and Williams met (for the second time, according to Herne), in the presence of Catherine Berry and C. P. B. Alsop, at a Williams' seance in Alsop's house in early March of 1871, and had, by the end of that month, gone into practice together, opening seance rooms in Lamb's Conduit Street.

So perhaps the place to start is here, with the founding of the Herne and Williams partnership, from the for April 15, 1871 (p. 157):

Frank Herne claims -- and there is no reason to question the claim -- that he first sat for manifestations with Charles E. L. Williams in the house of Christoper Pierpont Brook Alsop, at 2 Great Turnstile, in High Holborn, in early 1871. Williams had been in development at Alsop's house since September of 1870, when he was introduced to Alsop by Joseph Adcock, the elderly working-class Spiritualist with whom Williams first began investigating Spiritualism. This initial sitting, in Alsop's house, at which Frank Herne's developing medium Catherine Berry was present, was sufficient to convince the two to go into partnership as public mediums, which in effect inaugurated both the era of form manifestations in London Spiritualism, the practice of paired mediumship in English Spiritualism, and the establishment of the most famous address in 19th century English Spiritualism: 61 Lamb's Conduit Street.

(For those of you who collect fun factoids, the probable reason for the location of the famous seance rooms at 61 Lamb's Conduit Street is, that C. P. B. Alsop's private residence was, at the time the rooms were taken, down the street at 13 Lamb's Conduit Street.)

Where Catherine Berry withdrew, following the launch of Herne and Williams as public mediums, C. P. B. Alsop, furniture and picture dealer, took a different tack. He leaned in on Herne and Williams' mediumship, becoming an early and frequent promoter of the two mediums and -- I surmise -- one of the people who brought form materialization from the US to England.

Alsop's promotion -- of both Williams as a solo practitioner, and Herne and Williams as coadjutors -- is summarized nicely in the June 15, 1871 issue of , but is easy enough to recover from the records at IAPSOP. His genius -- the same genius I imagine that animated his business as a dealer in "Articles of Vertu" -- was in arranging for both committed Spiritualists and well-to-do middle class inquirers to sit with Williams, or with Herne and Williams, in phenomena-packed manifestation seances, to spread the word of "the exceedingly wonderful manifestations" by word of mouth within an urban class of investigators capable of paying a guinea a seat for wonders. He knew not only how to fill a room, but with whom to fill it.
Christopher Pierpont (or, less likely, Pierpoint) Brook Alsop was born in Stockport on August 17, 1829 to Christopher Alsop, a calico printer at the time of his marriage, and Mary Brooke, the daughter of Bancroft Pierpont Brooke and a child of the moneyed Brooke clan. Christopher Sr. died in 1831, before C. P. B.'s second birthday, leaving Mary Brooke Alsop with a large family, and a living to get. The family remained, scattered, in the vicinity of Manchester at least through the early 1840s, with multiple members employed in the weaving trades, and most of the family, as far as I can tell, remained in the area for life -- in particular, C. P. B.'s older sister Lavinia, with whom Christoper lived as a younger man.

In July of 1849, a Christopher Alsop, commercial traveler, marries one Ann Ross, the daughter of a pawn broker, in Clerkenwell; I believe this is our Christopher, though one might gather from the marriage register that this Christopher's father is a "corn dealer" and still living.

After a period of time in the furniture trade (he and a man, George Mequire, who was perhaps his partner, patented the design for a clothes horse in January of 1862), and a stint in the book trade, Alsop is ordained as a Baptist minister in August of 1866, taking up the pastorate of the Baptist Church at Old Ford Road in Bow: an event that sets some of the faithful on their heels. One "Amor," writing to for November 1 of 1866 about Alsop's ordination, says:

The editor's response was pointed: "It is not right to judge of a man's qualifications for the ministry by the feeble and imperfect report given by a young hand...Mr. Alsop's experience and call to the ministry, is to be published in one entire book in a few days. Then let judgment be passed."
Alsop's testimony at the time of his ordination (as it appeared in the September 1, 1866 issue of ) is worth rehearsing in full.
(Perhaps it's just my particular bias, but I find Alsop's narrative strikingly similar to those of mediumistic conversion, and in important ways.)
Alsop did, as the editor of the promised, rehearsed the paths down which the Lord had led him in late 1866 or early 1867, in a text that has not come down to us, entitled , the title based on a somewhat tortured metaphor in which the church stands between the bridge of Death (which we must all traverse, since the expulsion from Eden) and the bridge of eternal life. The text was well-received, as far as contemporary reviews allow us to determine.
How long Alsop stuck to his calling after his conversion in 1866 is anyone's guess; by 1874, the refers to Alsop as "an ex-dissenting minister." The London directories for 1865 and 1866 list him as an auctioneer (as he suggested), and by 1870, he is a furniture and fixtures dealer with a shop in the Great Turnstile, and beginning his investigation of Spiritualism, in the regular circles of Robert Cogman (1808-?), carpenter, pioneer Spiritualist, and motive force behind the Cogman Spiritual Institute of Mile End, the East London Association of Spiritualists and other long-lived East End Spiritualist associations. The East London Association, the for December 3 of 1869 tells us, "was formed in June of 1868, under the presidency of Mr. James Burns, and the first large general meeting took place in Stepney, on the 8th of July of the same year, under the chairmanship of Mr. J. M. Speard [MD: John Murray Spear, I think]. Monthly seances were from that time held regularly, and the finances of the association were much aided by Mr. Luxmoore, as well as by Mrs. Emma Hardinge, who gave some of her excellent lectures in aid of the funds. Meetings were afterwards held weekly, Messrs. [MD: Thomas] Shorter, Cogman and [MD: S. C. E.] Goss also assisting in the work..."

It was in Cogman's circle that J. J. Morse was first exposed to Spiritualism, for Cogman was another developing medium -- a man of wide performative capabilities in physical manifestations, healing and trance speaking. Frank Herne was present in Cogman's circles in December of 1869 (taken thither by the tradesman to whom he was apprenticed); Catherine Berry and Mary Marshall were sometime visitor, as was Joseph Adcock (1819-1873, the working-class Spiritualist who was Charles William's first partner in Spiritualist investigations.

Joseph Adcock (also a carpenter, if memory serves) introduced -- essentially, handed off -- Charles Williams to Christopher Alsop, according to Charles Williams' own report (Spiritualist Newspaper, 5-15-1871) in September of 1870. Between September of 1870 and April of 1871, when Herne and Williams entered into partnership as public mediums, Williams was rapidly developed by Alsop, if we are to credit a reports from in March of 1871 (p. 153), which reads in part:

Elsewhere in Human Nature for early 1871 (p. 206) we learn that "[t]he whole of Mr. Alsop's family are mediumistic" and that John King is present at William's seances with Alsop, "giving us an illustration of our future home in America, for I must inform you that it is our intention to go over there this summer [MD: the summer of 1871]."

Alsop was in contact with prominent American Spiritualists in January of 1871, and he did take his family to the US, likely in August of 1871 (as noted in the Medium and Daybreak for August 25, 1871), after selling off his stock-in-trade, at reduced prices -- and after spending time (in mid July) at Mrs. Edmiston's country home, in the company of J. M. Peebles, J. J. Morse, Mrs. Guppy, Florence Cook and Herne and Williams.

This is a fortuitous time to visit the US -- just at the moment that form materializations were propagating from the Keeler/Andrews circle in Moravia to other areas of the United States.

It's a bit difficult to trace the family's movements while in the US, but we're sure the Alsops made it as far west as Huntington, Indiana, where Alsop preached a public "Universalist" sermon in late November of 1871 (according to the Indiana Herald of 11-28-1871), and Chicago (as noted in the MD for 10-13-1871).

He went as an unabashed Spiritualist, as he noted in a letter to the editor of the in January of 1871:

It's purely speculation on my part -- and we have Jenny Holmes as a alternative method of transmission -- but it seems unlikely to me that a family of English mediums, fresh from developing and launching the public career of a prominent English medium, would have traveled to the US, and visited Moravia to witness the Andrews form manifestations: particularly since they traveled further into the US hinterlands, later in 1871.

When the Alsops returned from the US is a bit of a mystery, at present, but we know that the Alsop family circle is back in operation at Great Turnstile in Holborn by November of 1872 -- Henry Smith records "one of the most extraordinary seances I have ever been privileged to attend" occurring there, in November (MD 11-29-182). Smith reports that, after a sitting for physical manifestations:

In July of 1873, Alsop apparently takes back up his ministerial calling, holding weekly Sunday services at Alpha Hall in the Old Ford area, at which services he is preaching, as far as the record will allow us to see, a species of Baptist Spiritualism as a religious doctrine. He is still dealing in furniture and pictures, as his ministerial work is unpaid; his showrooms are at 46 High Holborn, and later in Coburg Place. And he is continuing to hold private seances, often with Charles Williams as medium, in his home.
From this time forward, the Alsop family is regularly visible, on the margins of London Spiritualism, contributing to the maintenance of journals and mediums, participating in January of 1876 in the send-of for the American Spiritualist Dr. R. H. Hallock, speaking occasionally at Spiritualist gatherings and societies, and shepherding Spiritualists to the seance rooms at 61 Lamb's Conduit Street. Over time -- and due I suspect to the various scandals, Alsop separates himself from Charles Williams, leaving Williams to advertise for Alsop's address, in issues of for July of 1887.
At that time -- say, after 1883 -- Alsop is most closely associated with a small Spiritualist investigative society in Holborn, meeting at Hoxton Street.

Christopher and his wife spend some time -- between May of 1883 and February of 1884 -- in Australia, in and around Sydney, having arrived there as far as I can tell, from San Francisco. Judging by a smattering of notices, advertising C. P. B. Alsop's addresses to Baptist congregations, followed by the sale of his private collection of fine art, "owing to Mr. Alsop's early departure from the colony," it appears Christopher and Ann made an attempt to settle down in Sydney, but found it unworkable, and returned to London.

In 1886, Alsop publishes another text we have (temporarily, anyway) lost: , in London.

Something happens to the Alsop family in 1887, when Charles Williams searches for him. C. P. B. Alsop disappears from the Spiritualist record after 1886, and the entire family appears to move to the United States in, I believe, the late 1880s, settling in Brooklyn and subsequently dispersing throughout the country. We have brief mentions of Alsop and his wife, leaving from and returning to US ports on both coasts, from 1888 until 1900, but no record of their domiciles, either in the US or in England, during that period.

Whether he relocates, or merely travels back and forth, C. P. B. Alsop dies in Brooklyn on August 31, 1902 and is buried in Maple Grove Cemetery in Queens County, NY, as are his children Agnes and William Henry.

(The story of the Alsops in Brooklyn, and their progeny, remains to be unearthed, but I think it's likely to be an interesting one.)
It's hard for me to accept that we'll never get to the bottom of the Alsops' doings in the US in 1871, and therefore never know whether the spirit-form manifestations that Henry Smith and others witnessed in Alsop's private seances in the winter of 1872 were based on Alsop's direct exposure to the Moravia manifestations, or a bit of quick-and-dirty emulation of the manifestations produced in the presence of Jennie Holmes, "the new American medium."

But, either way: every nineteenth century English medium was a crowd, and Christopher Pierpont Brook Alsop was a central figure in the crowd that was Charles Edward Loo Williams.

Posted by Marc Demarest
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Apr
24
In 1874, the mission of the British National Association of Spiritualists, and in particular its role in providing well-managed public seances was debated, in the pages of and elsewhere.

Newton Crosland, the Spiritualist and philanthropist, and husband of the popular novelist Camilla Toulmin, wrote to the on October 12, 1874 from Blackheath to say that, in his view, the BNAS should have no part in public seances:

Or, Crosland speculated:
Crosland is poking at the fundamental issue with the BNAS, in the eyes of many Spiritualists. The BNAS smacked of centralized, doctrinal control and normalization, and as such was adversarial to the right of private judgment at the center of the emergent Spiritualist creed.

Emily Kislingbury, by that time the secretary of the BNAS, wrote to from Chard, in Somerset, in mid-October of 1874, to bring Crosland -- and the discussion of the economics of the seance -- back into the center of the discussion.

Kislingbury's point was sound. Public seances, and in particular public dark circles, were off-putting for middle-class inquirers who lacked the disposable income to hold private sittings with first-tier mediums, at (often) a guinea a sitting, and were similarly problematic for sitters of any class who knew -- who believed -- that controlling the conditions and environment of the seance was critical to sitters' abilities to put faith in the authenticity of the manifestations being witnessed -- particularly when those manifestations were physical, and particularly when the physical manifestations were partial-form or full-form materializations.

Kislingbury's letter provoked a response, from a prominent figure in Spiritualism, which is worth replaying in its entirety.

All the scientific and literary men who have now come forward publicly as investigators, have, from time to time, been present at my stances; and I am sure they will corroborate what I say -— that mediums, as a rule, do not make conditions; otherwise, it at once levels them to the present day conjurors, which all true Spiritualists carefully avoid doing. I have no doubt -— in fact, I am sure -— Messrs. Maskelyne and Cook, when they performed before Royalty, some days since, took their apparatus with them, and made their own con­ ditions ; they cannot do without that which a medium can ; and now, if Royalty would command one of our best physical mediums to appear at Sandringham, having seen what Maskelyne and Cook require, they would at once put the matter at rest, by proving that there can be no comparison between the spiritual medium and the non-spiritual conjuror. As to the charge of mediums nolding seances at their own rooms, where else can they hold them? Unless, like myself, others will invite them to their houses, and pay them their fees. I am quite sure all the public mediums that I know will be very happy to visit any house where they are invited, but they must be paid. Their time is of too much importance to be frittered or given away.

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